MILWAUKEE — Sen. J.D. Vance of Ohio, Donald Trump’s pick to be his vice-presidential pick, has gained a reputation in Washington as one of Trump’s staunchest and hardest-charging defenders.
Look no further than in the immediate aftermath of the assassination attempt on Trump’s life Saturday. Vance quickly took to social media to lay the blame squarely on President Biden and called a top Democrat on Capitol Hill a scumbag for having introduced legislation some months ago to remove Secret Service protection from convicted felons.
The MAGA warrior, though, is not who America met Wednesday night when he took to the stage at the Republican National Convention for his keynote speech as Trump’s running mate. The Marine veteran, instead, showed a decidedly softer side.
Here are four takeaways from Vance’s speech and the rest of Night 3 in Milwaukee:
When you first meet someone — go on a date, interview for a job — you’re trying to put the best, friendliest, most amenable version of you forward. No one wants to see flashes of anger, name-calling and the like.
That’s especially true when you’re running for vice president, and nearly half the country doesn’t have an opinion about you yet. An Economist/YouGov pollout this week found 48% haven’t formed an opinion on Vance — just 22% have a positive one, while 31% view him unfavorably.
So in this speech, Vance stressed his more personal side — telling his kids to go to sleep, talking about his love for his mom and grandma. There were only a couple moments early on in his speech when he hinted at his outrage toward the left, saying that Trump had endured abuse, slander and persecution, that lies have been told about him and then think of him with that fist raised, and how the left has called him a tyrant, who must be stopped at all costs and yet, he called for calm and national unity.
In that speech, Vance didn’t make the hard pivot to blaming Democrats and the president. That side of Vance will surface again in this campaign, but it didn’t during his introduction to America. Instead, what the country saw was a smiling, relatively young man of 39 with a wife who loves him in awe of the moment — and clearly subordinate to the man at the top of the ticket.
It was true coming into this convention and whoever the pick would be, but it’s perhaps even truer after this speech — perhaps at no time in history has a vice-presidential pick mattered less.
Sure, Trump being 78 could, in theory, raise the stakes for this kind of pick, and Trump selected someone literally half his age for the ticket. But this convention has been less the Republican National Convention than the Trump National Convention, and the attendees are here for one man and one man alone.
Vance made clear he has no intention of outshining Trump, the way Sarah Palin upstaged the late Sen. John McCain at the 2008 convention, for example. Her barnburner of a speech had people ripping the McCain off the McCain-Palin bumper stickers.
That’s not happening this time around — and that’s exactly how Trump wants it.
The strong subtext of this week’s Republican convention has been a blue-collar appeal – more in tone than in policy, however.
Vance leaned hard into that and his biography and his family roots in Appalachia. Before becoming a U.S. senator, he wrote a New York Times-best selling memoir, Hillbilly Elegy: A Memoir of a Family and Culture in Crisis. Vance even referred to himself on the stage Wednesday night as a Hillbilly.
Wisconsin, the site of the RNC this year, is a swing state with a strong, blue-collar voter base. Vance is from a Midwestern state with a similar profile. Even though his home state of Ohio is not a swing state anymore, with its lurch toward the GOP, Trump is hoping Vance can appeal to voters in the so-called Blue Wall states, including Michigan and Pennsylvania, which also have large white, working-class populations.
Vance hinted toward how important those states are early on in his speech when the Ohio delegation began cheering loudly for their state.
He cut them off and said, We’ve got to chill with the Ohio love, we’ve got to win Michigan, too.
Vance said that the country needs a leader who fights for the workers in this country, that it needs someone to fight for working men, union and non-union alike. He added that under a Trump-Vance administration, they would no longer fight for Wall Street, but for the working man — even as Trump told Bloomberg News he would consider JP Morgan Chase CEO Jamie Dimon his Treasury secretary.
Over the course of his presidency, Trump gained a reputation as having very anti-union policies. Vance, for his part, with his blue-collar roots, earned a 0% rating from the AFL-CIO in 2023.
And yet, the president of the Teamsters spoke at the RNC Tuesday night. He didn’t endorse, but his presence spoke volumes. It was a clear indication of the pressure he feels from some within his union. That has far more to do with culture than it does pro-union policies.
To court workers is very different than being pro-labor, Harley Shaiken, a labor professor at the University of California, Berkeley, told NPR’s Don Gonyea. The rhetoric comes easy, and the rhetoric can sometimes be appealing. But when there’s no follow-through, it’s very damaging.
At the heart of that cultural appeal is one policy area Republicans talked quite a bit about Wednesday: immigration and the fear of job losses because of it.
The hard line the party has on that issue is like the glue to its working-class appeal. That’s a similar story with right-wing populism across the globe.
Of course, the man who sets the tone — and policies — in this party is Trump, and everyone will finally hear from him Thursday night, his first major address since the shooting Saturday.
